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| 1 | Environmental options of local governments for regional air pollution joint control:application of evolutionary game theory显示文摘Apanage management is currently the main method used to control air pollution in China,but it has proved to be inefficient for controlling transboundary air pollution.As a result,China’s central government is demanding joint control of regional air pollution.From the perspective of cooperation benefits,we adopt the evolutionary game theory(EGT)to analyse evolutionary trends of regional authorities’behaviours and their stable strategy in the campaign for joint control of regional air pollution.A case study,the intergovernmental cooperation management for‘APEC Blue’,is taken to illustrate the intergovernmental game.The result shows that an evolutionarily stable strategy(ESS)of‘joint control’for local governments depends on individual region’s benefits and collaboration revenues.Local governments should be encouraged in collaborating with their neighbouring governments,because a certain amount of transaction costs will not undermine their cooperation.With regards to the case study,joint control through executive orders is unpractical in the Beijing–Tianjin–Hebei region.‘APEC Blue’can only be temporary and the failure of such collaboration for long-term regional air pollution control is inevitable because of its high control costs,economic loss,transaction costs and low common profits. | Shihong Guo | 2016 | Economic and Political Studies2016，4，3： | 14 |
| 2 | Understanding the China–US trade war:causes,economic impact,and the worst-case scenario显示文摘This paper studies the current trade war between China and the US from a historical standpoint.By comparing the ongoing trade war with similar trade conflicts in history,we reveal three major causes,with varying degrees of importance,from both economic and political perspectives.The trade war can principally be attributed to trade imbalances,the US midterm elections and rivalry over global economic dominance.As the fundamental conflicts between China and the US cannot be easily resolved,we hold a pessimistic view on the complete settlement of the trade war.In this paper,we perform a scenario analysis,which shows that in the worst-case scenario,China will suffer a 1.1%decrease in employment and a 1%GDP loss,which are not negligible,but manageable for China. | Terence Tai Leung Chong Xiaoyang Li | 2019 | Economic and Political Studies2019，7，2： | 14 |
| 3 | Financialization of the Economy and Income Inequality in China显示文摘The income gap between the financial sector and other sectors has been widening since the mid-1990s. Why do financiers in China earn more than others? We analyze this issue against the background of financialization of the economy. The year 1993 was a watershed year, in which China began the process of rapid financialization. Since 1993, the financial sector has become increasingly powerful, overshadowing other sectors. Evidence shows that the high income levels that exist in the financial sector are related to this process of financialization in China. Financialization influences income distribution in China through two channels: money issuance and liquidation of social capital. The labor market equilibrium of the financial sector and wage level determination are not naturally formed but constructed. The increasing income inequality between the financial sector and other sectors is a consequence of financialization of the economy in China. | YU LUO FRANK ZHU | 2014 | Economic and Political Studies2014，2，2： | 14 |
| 4 | Taking China’s anticorruption campaign seriously显示文摘This article draws on a rich empirical literature on comparative corruption and rich theoretical literatures on the related topics ofinstitutions and credible commitment to analyze China’s newestanticorruption campaign, ongoing today. It argues that the campaign differs notably from previous efforts. In addition to its mostobvious features of longer duration and higher reach, the campaign has significantly changed the structure of Party and government incentives so as to reduce bureaucratic opportunities forcorruption and structural obstacles to anticorruption enforcement.These features constitute important steps toward anticorruptioninstitutionalisation and credible commitment to good governance.The article concludes by proposing some strategic policy choicesto promote and protect anticorruption gains. | Melanie Manion | 2016 | Economic and Political Studies2016，4，1： | 9 |
| 5 | The New Governance: Governing without Government显示文摘 | R. A. W.Rhodes | 2006 | Political Studies2006，，4： | 9 |
| 6 | Financialisation in emerging economies:a systematic overview and comparison with Anglo-Saxon economies显示文摘Financialisation research has originally focussed on the US experience,but the concept is now increasingly applied to emerging economies(EMEs).There is a rich literature stressing peculiarities of individual country experiences,but little systematic comparison across EMEs.This paper fills this gap,providing an overview of the debate and identifying six financialisation interpretations for EMEs.These different interpretations stress(1)financial deregulation,(2)foreign financial inflows,(3)asset price volatility,(4)the shift from bank-based to market-based finance,(5)business debt,and(6)household indebtedness.We construct and compare measures of the six financialisation interpretations across a sample of 17 EMEs from Latin America,emerging Europe,Africa and Asia,contrasting them with the US and UK,two financialised economies.We find considerable variation in financialisation experiences of EMEs.Asset price volatility is found across the continents.Asia has been more exposed to capital inflows,stock markets have gained importance and private sector debt has risen.In emerging Europe financial deregulation has been more pronounced with lower levels but strong increases in household debt.The picture is similar in South Africa,the African EME in the sample,where household debt is comparatively high.Financialisation in Latin America is weaker according to our measures. | Ewa Karwowski Engelbert Stockhammer | 2017 | Economic and Political Studies2017，5，1： | 8 |
| 7 | Grassland tenure,livelihood assets and pastoralists’resilience:evidence and empirical analyses from western China显示文摘Pastoralists in western China are highly vulnerable due to harsh natural conditions and the poor socioeconomic environment they confront.More than 50%of the pastoralists in major grassland areas are living below the survival line;moreover,around 90%of the usable grasslands in China have been degraded to some degree,and the degradation expands at a rate of two million ha per year.Enhancing pastoralists’resilience is desirable for the economic development and social stability in pastoral areas.As an important aspect influencing livelihoods,grassland tenure in China has not been well studied to learn how it affects the welfare of pastoralists,and what can be done to strengthen their resilience.Based on the evidence from four periods of fieldwork conducted by the authors during 2005-2014,the study applies an analytical framework adapted from the sustainable livelihood theory to examine the interactions of grassland tenure,livelihood assets of pastoralists and their resilience.Main findings show that the existing grassland tenure arrangements cause unbalanced and decreased livelihood assets,which in turn reduce the resilience of pastoralists by lowering their capacities of coping with stresses or shocks.Of the policies and measures aiming to enhance the pastoralists’adaptive capacity and ongoing development,building social capital is critical.Developing functional livelihood asset markets such as grassland rental markets and financial markets will also contribute to a more robust livelihood structure. | Shuhao Tan Zhongchun Tan | 2017 | Economic and Political Studies2017，5，4： | 7 |
| 8 | Geoeconomics with Chinese characteristics: the BRI and China’s evolving grand strategy显示文摘China has become the second largest economy in the world in a historically unprecedented space of time.Subsequently,China has begun to exert a form of geoeconomic influence that is changing the way we think about both the nature of international relations in the 21st century and about the precise uses China’s policymakers will put their growing power into.This paper explores these debates and China’s evolving approach to foreign and strategic policies through the prism of the Belt and Road Initiative(BRI).If the BRI becomes a reality it will quite literally cement China’s place at the centre of a regional network of production processes that will inevitability enhance China’s overall economic and geopolitical importance.At the very least,China’s ascent is forcing a reassessment about the nature of power and influence in the contemporary international system.Not only is the nature of economic organisation currently raising important theoretical and practical questions about the basis of international competition,but it is also becoming increasingly clear that the power and influence of national governments are largely determined by relative shifts in the balance of economic power,as much as it is by more traditional strategic factors. | Mark Beeson | 2018 | Economic and Political Studies2018，6，3： | 7 |
| 9 | Social insurance for migrant workers in China:impact of the 2008 Labour Contract Law显示文摘Using the China Household Income Project(CHIP)2007,2008,and 2009 longitudinal migrant survey data,this article provides new evidence on the effects of China’s 2008 Labour Contract Law(LCL)on migrant workers’social insurance participation,including in pensions,work injury insurance,unemployment insurance,medical insurance,and the housing provident fund.We find consistently strong evidence that migrant workers’labour contract status was significantly associated with their participation in all five types of social insurance.In particular,having or gaining a long-term contract helped promote migrant workers’social insurance participation,while losing one such contract decreased their chance of social insurance participation.Using a difference-in-differences(DID)method and focussing on the panel sample,we find that the implementation of the LCL helped boost migrant workers’chance of social insurance participation consistently and significantly,especially for those who gained a long-term contract.These findings suggest that the LCL at least partly reached its intended policy goal of improving social protection for migrant workers,a disadvantaged group in the Chinese labour market.Future research should use longitudinal data and rigorous methods to track the long-term impact of this important law and help build a strong,unified social insurance system for all Chinese citizens. | Qin Gao Sui Yang Shi Li | 2017 | Economic and Political Studies2017，5，3： | 6 |
| 10 | An analysis of the China–US trade war through the lens of the trade literature显示文摘The current China–US trade war that started in early 2018 has been the largest of this kind in the global market in the past half century,if not longer.Many speculations about the reasons for and progress and potential implications of the trade war emerge.Countries must understand the reasons for the war to avoid future trade wars.Predicting what will happen in the near future and the related economic consequences are even more important for people(including businessmen and government policymakers)to prepare for them and make corresponding decisions.However,endeavouring to predict is a tough job.This paper tries to provide an unbiased analysis through the lens of the trade literature.That is,we want to ask how much we can understand the current trade war on the basis of the accumulated knowledge we can obtain from our profession.Related theories include imperfect competition,increasing returns,terms of trade argument,distributional effects and political economy argument. | Larry D.Qiu Chaoqun Zhan Xing Wei | 2019 | Economic and Political Studies2019，7，2： | 6 |
| 11 | Deliberative Democracy in China: A Sociology of Knowledge Perspective显示文摘This paper analyzes from the perspective of the sociology of knowledge how the theory of deliberative democracy was introduced into China.This perspective means that the analysis of this article will not focus on the theory itself,but rather on the various strategies adopted in this process(the strategy of introducing deliberative democracy theory into China and the strategy of putting this theory into practice)and their effects. | HUOSHENG TAN | 2013 | Economic and Political Studies2013，1，1： | 6 |
| 12 | Digital financial capabilities and household entrepreneurship显示文摘This study investigates the impact of digital financial capabilities on household business ownership and business innovation.Utilising the 2015 China Household Finance Survey(CHFS)data,this paper constructs robust capabilities scores and finds positive associations between digital financial capabilities and household entrepreneurship.After specifying instrumental variables,the results still hold.In addition,we compare the driving forces of the impact through componential dimensions,and discuss the differ-ent function channels that digital financial capabilities affect busi-ness ownership and business innovation.What’s more,we add the interaction term of digital capability and financial capability,illus-trate its role in improving the goodness of fit of the models,and further discuss the interaction effect both generally and at each level of the capabilities scores.Finally,we conduct robustness checks across socioeconomic groups and provide policy implica-tions.This study highlights the different function channels of digital financial capabilities concerning different entrepreneurial activities,as well as the importance of interaction effect in under-standing how digital financial capabilities affect household entrepreneurship. | Yu Luo Lianyun Zeng | 2020 | Economic and Political Studies2020，8，2： | 5 |
| 13 | The future of global trade in the presence of the Sino-US trade war显示文摘The looming of a vindictive spirit owing to dishevelled trade relations amidst China and the US seems to be near.Never has it been so apparent than now.The US has had itself as the largest economy on the world stage and China’s attempt at shuffling this incumbency has led the US to open a tariff fire on Chinese imports.The tariff brawl appears to be not settling anytime soon as the retaliatory measures are swelling incessantly.Being the two largest economies of the world,giving in for disengaging trade with each other is bound to have a ripple effect on the global system of trade.Where the detesting to barrier-free trade on the part of the US and China are certain to inflict pain upon both countries,it might come as a benefit for other countries.This research explores the movement in global trade springing out of the Sino-US trade war. | Badar Alam Iqbal Nida Rahman Jonathan Elimimian | 2019 | Economic and Political Studies2019，7，2： | 5 |
| 14 | China's Outward Foreign Direct Investment:The Role of Natural Resources and Technology显示文摘Using the data of China's OFDI in more than 150 host countries or regions for the period of 1991-2009, in this paper we examine the underlying motivations and locational determinants of China's OFDI, with a focus on the role of natural resources and technology. Our findings indicate that the host country's natural resource abundance, interacted with its institutional quality, is a crucial determinant of China's OFDI. There is strong evidence that in the recent period of 2003-2009, the host country's overall natural resource abundance, oil abundance and metal abundance had a sizable positive effect on China's OFDI. In particular, China's OFDI was driven to resource-abundant countries with poor institutional quality and governance, and this pattern was strongest for oil but not metal resources. However, we find little evidence supporting the resourceseeking motivation in the pre-2003 period. Furthermore, we find strong evidence for the technology-exploiting motivation but not for the technology-seeking hypothesis. We show that, when the host is a lowincome country, China's OFDI increases if the host country's technology is more backward, indicating that Chinese investors might be taking advantage of their technology gap relative to the local firms. | PAN WANG ZHIHONG YU | 2014 | Economic and Political Studies2014，2，2： | 5 |
| 15 | The BRI and RCEP: ensuring cooperation in the liberalisation of trade in Asia显示文摘The Belt and Road Initiative(BRI)offers the prospect of trade integration between Asia and Europe.But it is subject to a number of risks,some of them are similar to those associated with the Trans-Pacific Partnership(TPP).East Asian trade liberalisation in the 1990s involved collaborative autonomy–a cooperative process of outward-looking unilateral liberalisation on a‘most favoured nation’(MFN)basis–rather than the creation of a regional free trade area.By contrast,the TPP has sought to create a free trade area,which would have led to trade diversion and have had other unsatisfactory features.The combination of BRI with the Regional Cooperation Economic Partnership(RCEP)might offer the possibility of outward-looking liberalisation,one which is neither dominated by China nor subject to the trade diversion of the TPP.This combination would bring strength and legitimacy to the BRI. | David Vines | 2018 | Economic and Political Studies2018，6，3： | 5 |
| 16 | Bilateral swap agreement and renminbi settlement in cross-border trade显示文摘This research empirically examines the impact of China’s renminbi(RMB)Bilateral Swap Agreements(BSAs)on the usage of the currency in cross-border trade transactions.By using a unique dataset from SWIFT including cross-border settlement messages of 91 countries/regions between October 2010 and November 2015,we confirm that the signing of an RMB BSA helps increase the number,value and proportion of the RMB settlement in cross-border trade.Our results are robust with respect to the choice of different models,including multi-level mixed model,two-stage regression model,and difference-in-difference model.In addition to justifying the effectiveness of China’s BSA-signing strategy to promote the RMB usage in trade settlement,our results clarify that the signing of those RMB BSAs is not purely for China’s political ends as some scholars claim. | Ke Song Le Xia | 2020 | Economic and Political Studies2020，8，3： | 5 |
| 17 | The US–China trade war,the American public opinions and its effects on China显示文摘Donald Trump’s trade war with China does not make economic sense,but he does not face much domestic opposition to this trade war.Moreover,it is a part of a broader strategy of the nationalistic Americans’attempt to suppress the rise of China.Would China give in to the requests of the US under the threat of the escalation of the trade war?In what way?My conjecture is that China is willing to compromise up to a point.What China is likely to do is to promise to buy more goods and services from the US,allow greater market access for American firms,reduce Chinese subsidies to its industries,reduce forced technology transfers by American firms,strengthen enforcement of intellectual property rights protection and make verification all these commitments more transparent.Although the US might stop escalating the trade war,it is likely that the tariffs already imposed on Chinese goods would not be removed soon.In response to that,China also would not remove most of those tariffs already imposed on imports from the US,in keeping with the spirit of the tit-for-tat policy.It is possible that a temporary ceasefire is agreed,but the trade war can last for a long time.The final assembly stage of many industries might leave China,but not necessarily the whole production process.Hong Kong can be a victim of the trade war if it escalates. | Edwin L.-C.Lai | 2019 | Economic and Political Studies2019，7，2： | 4 |
| 18 | How does China’s stock market react to the announcement of the COVID-19 pandemic lockdown?显示文摘In this paper,we study how China’s stock market reacts to the sudden outbreak of COVID-19 in 2020,particularly to the announcement of the pandemic lockdown.In general,we observe reversals both at the industry level and at the firm level due to investors’overreactions to the pandemic lockdown.For industryand firm-level stocks with positive cumulative abnormal returns(CARs)in the event window when Wuhan was locked down,the reversals are stronger.Thus,the reversal effects are mostly driven by industries and stocks that positively overreact to COVID-19 than do others.Further investigation shows that overreactions are stronger for stocks with lower institutional ownership,which means that retail investors react more strongly to COVID-19.Among stocks with positive CARs in the event window,those with higher idiosyncratic volatilities and lower book-to-market ratios tend to have worse performance after one month. | Xiaolin Huo Zhigang Qiu | 2020 | Economic and Political Studies2020，8，4： | 4 |
| 19 | Marx's Labor Theory of Value and Its Implications for Structural Problems in China's Economy显示文摘This paper computes the values of commodities(including fixed capital) as well as production prices in China's economy. In light of Marx's transformation problem, the ratios of production prices to the values of 24 major commodities are computed. It is shown that the ratio of price to value in agriculture is the lowest, which indicates that agriculture is facing an unequal exchange of labor with other sectors. | BANGXI LI | 2014 | Economic and Political Studies2014，2，2： | 4 |
| 20 | Are foreign monks better at chanting? The effect of ‘airborne’ SDICs on anti-corruption显示文摘The independence of supervision agency is of great importance for anti-corruption.After the leadership transition of the provincial Congress of the Chinese Communist Party in 2006,Secretaries of Discipline Inspection Commission(SDICs)were suddenly dispatched from the centre or transferred from another province in China(‘airborne’SDICs)to enhance their independence in inspecting corruption cases.To investigate the effect of this policy reform,we collect data of SDICs and anti-corruption in 31 provinces from 2003 to 2014,and evaluate this policy using the difference-in-differences econometrics method.We find that there is no significant effect of these‘airborne’SDICs whether from the centre or another province on anti-corruption.This result is robust to different measurements of anti-corruption and subsamples.We argue that the dispatch of external SDICs is not enough to ensure the independence of supervision agency,because local discipline inspection commissions(DICs)are still subject to local Chinese Communist Party committees in terms of personnel,funds and property.This paper has important policy implications for the current anti-corruption campaign in China. | Huihua Nie Mengqi Wang | 2016 | Economic and Political Studies2016，4，1： | 4 |
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